Once again, the first
weeks of the Narendra Modi administration have been marked by hate crimes — two
Muslim men beaten by mobs in Jharkhand and
Mumbai, demanding they shout ‘Jai Shri Ram’, one so mercilessly that he died.
Another man, a tribal, lynched in Tripura on
suspicion of being a cattle thief. Most recently, 24 men accused of being
cattle smugglers, beaten and made to shout ‘Gau Mata ki Jai’, in Rajasthan.
This time, however,
there is a rising tide of concern, both domestically and internationally.
Domestically, there have been a number of editorials, OpEds and talk shows
calling for action; internationally, India has begun to feature prominently on
a growing list of countries marked by hate crime, including hate speech in
electoral campaigns.
A rising graph
Studies of hate crimes in
India show that they have steadily risen over the past five years. Amnesty
International India documented 721 such incidents between 2015 and 2018. Last
year alone, it tracked 218 hate crimes, 142 of which were against Dalits, 50
against Muslims, 40 against women, and eight each against Christians, Adivasis,
and transgenders. The more common hate crimes, they found, were honour killings
— that have sadly occurred for decades — and ‘cow-related violence’, that was
rare earlier but has become more frequent over the past five years.
According to Hate
Crime Watch, crimes based on religious identity were in single digits until
2014, when they surged from nine in 2013 to 92 in 2018. Of the 291 incidents
mentioned by the website, 152 occurred in Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-ruled
States, 40 in Congress-ruled States and the rest in States ruled by regional
parties or coalitions. Rarely, if ever, did bystanders attempt to stop the
violence or police arrive on time to do so. In both studies, Uttar Pradesh
topped the list of States with the largest number of hate crimes for the third
year, followed by Gujarat, Rajasthan, Tamil Nadu and Bihar.
These facts are
striking enough to concern any government. The Prime
Minister expressed pain at the sickening murder of Tabrez Ansari in Jharkhand,
but clearly far more is required. The Rajasthan administration is introducing a
Bill prohibiting cow vigilantism, but that deals with only one hate crime. An
omnibus act against all hate crimes, including hate speech, is required across
India and should be a priority of the 17th Lok Sabha. Germany, for example,
amended Section 46 of its Criminal Procedure Code, dealing with sentencing in
violent crime, to say the sentence must be based on consideration of ‘the
motives and aims of the offender, particularly where they are of a racist or
xenophobic nature or where they show contempt for human dignity’.
We have a number of
sections in the Indian Penal Code that can be used to punish or even prevent
hate crime, but they are disparate and few policemen are aware of them. Those
that are, fear to use them in areas whose political leaders mobilise through
hate speech. Though some Indian analysts debate whether there is a correlation between
hate speech and hate crime, worldwide data show that hate speech encourages or
legitimises acts of violence and a climate of impunity. France has a a draft
Bill to prohibit hate speech, and Germany has already enacted one.
According to a study
by NDTV there are at least 45 politicians in our newly elected union
legislature who have indulged in hate speech over the past five years; 35 of
them belong to the BJP. No action has been taken as yet by the party, though it
is in such a position of strength electorally that it would lose little by
acting against them.
Court directives
In 2018, the Supreme
Court directed Central and State governments to make it widely known that
lynching and mob violence would ‘invite serious consequence under the law’ (Tehseen S. Poonawalla v. Union of India & Ors). Then Home Minister
Rajnath Singh told Parliament that the government had formed a panel to suggest
measures to tackle mob violence, and would enact a law if necessary. The
panel’s recommendations are not in the public domain, and acts of hate crime do
not appear to have diminished in the year since Mr. Singh’s promise.
In a May 2019 report,
Human Rights Watch India pointed out that only some States had complied with
the Supreme Court’s orders to designate a senior police officer in every
district to prevent incidents of mob violence and ensure that the police take
prompt action, including safety for witnesses; set up fast-track courts in such
cases; and take action against policemen or officials who failed to comply.
Those State governments that did comply, the report commented, did so only partially.
In several instances, the police actually obstructed investigations, even
filing charges against the victims.
Whether it is
political hate speech or police bias on the ground, there is little doubt that
the national bar against hate crime has been lowered. On television, we see
replays of hate speech and videos of lynching. Though the accompanying
commentary is critical, repeated iterations normalise the hateful. Indeed,
anchors themselves resort to invective far more often than before — note how
Kashmiris are routinely heckled and abused on talk shows. The print media too
is failing. Several newspapers now publish triumphalist opinion articles,
including comments to articles that are hate speech by any definition.
Criticism of blatantly communal government actions such as extension of refuge
and citizenship on religious identity has grown increasingly muted.
Key steps needed
One of the policy
issues that is high on the Modi administration’s list is dealing with
incitement to violence through social media. But the focus is on hate in
relation to terrorism, and it is unclear whether government policy will extend
to cover hate crime. Important as it is to do so, the digital media is not the
only offender. In fact, there are several obvious steps which would be easier
to take and yield more immediate results than regulation of the digital
media. Parliament could
enact an omnibus act against hate crime, and the Home Minister could set
benchmarks for policemen and administrators to deal with hate crime. The
legislature and political parties could suspend or dismiss members who are
implicated in hate crimes or practise hate speech. The electronic and print
media could stop showing or publishing hateful comments and threats. Priests
could preach the values of tolerance and respect that are common to all
religions and schools could revitalise courses on the directive principles of
our Constitution.
For Mr. Modi, there is
an additional challenge. He has twice spoken out against hate crime, but his
words of pain have not been backed by action, either by his party or by BJP-led
administrations. Does he have so little influence over his own? We have to hope
not.
For a demographically
diverse country such as India, hate crimes — including crimes of contempt — are
a disaster. Each of our religious and caste communities number in the millions,
and crimes that are directed against any of these groups could result in a
magnitude of disaffection that impels violence, even terrorism. Far less
diverse countries than India are already suffering the result of hate ‘moving
into the mainstream’, as UN Secretary General António Guterres recently
highlighted. We can still contain its spread if we act resolutely. Or else our
political leaders might find the lumpen tail wagging their dog.
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